爱华网[刘继顺按]本文作者以其虚伪的道德政治及傲慢的帝国心态，居高临下地看待中国在非洲的投资。文中不乏偏见、岐视、编造与揣测。可见要走向世界，打破原有的经济与政治影响版图，对中国而言，任重而道远！
谁是徐京华？
来源：FT中文网作者：英国《金融时报》 汤姆•伯吉斯、迪米、辛西娅•奥默丘
2013年12月，在参加完纳尔逊•曼德拉(NelsonMandela)的追悼会后，塞拉利昂总统欧内斯特•巴伊•科罗马(Ernest BaiKoroma)在安哥拉短暂停留，为自己战乱频仍的国家商谈一笔投资。在罗安达市中心一座金色摩天大楼的餐厅里，一些宾客注意到科罗马全神贯注地与右座的中国人交谈着。
On his way home fromNelson Mandela’s memorial service in December, Ernest Bai Koroma,the president of Sierra Leone, stopped off in Angola to discuss aninvestment in his war-scarred nation. Fellow guests in the diningroom of a golden skyscraper in the centre of Luanda, one of thetowering edifices that an oil boom has raised above the slums ofAngola’s capital, observed Koroma in rapt conversation with theChinese man seated to his right.
此人56岁，身材矮小，发际线高，留着整齐的山羊胡子。他身着黑色西装、红色领带，戴着方形镜片的眼镜。他有至少7个名字，其中最为人所知的是徐京华(SamPa)。他比那些出访非洲各国、推动中非经贸合作的中国政要更加低调。非洲的石油和矿产为中国惊人的经济增长提供了原材料。
The short 56-year-oldhad a receding hairline and a neat goatee beard. He wore a blacksuit, a red tie and rectangular spectacles. He goes by at leastseven names and keeps a lower profile than the Chinese dignitarieswho have visited African capitals to trumpet Beijing’s burgeoningalliance with a continent whose oil and minerals have helped feedChina’s phenomenal economic growth. Most commonly, he is known asSam Pa.
过去10年，原本默默无闻的徐京华，在全球五大洲达成了价值数百亿美元的合同。他从无到有，协助建立起一个庞大的企业网络，该网络的企业通过共同的所有者或董事联系在一起，而且注册地址都是香港金钟道88号(88Queensway)。关注其发展的人们将其称为“金钟道集团”。
Over the past decade,Pa has risen from obscurity to clinch deals across five continentsworth tens of billions of dollars. He has helped to build fromscratch a sprawling network of companies linked by common owners,directors and a registered address at 88 Queensway in Hong Kong.Those who have followed the network’s evolution have dubbed it the“Queensway group”.
该集团与英国石油(BP)、道达尔(Total)以及大宗商品交易商嘉能可(Glencore)均有业务往来，从印度尼西亚的天然气、迪拜的炼油，到新加坡的豪华公寓和一支空客(Airbus)机队，都有它的利益；它还活跃于朝鲜和俄罗斯。它由多家私营离岸公司组成网络，骨干则是两家公司：安中石油(ChinaSonangol)，它主要是一家石油公司（尽管也拥有华尔街纽交所(NYSE)对面摩根大通(JPMorgan)的前总部大楼）；以及中国国际基金（ChinaInternationalFund，简称中基公司），它是主营基础设施和矿业的分支，其旗帜飘扬在罗安达那座金色摩天大楼的大门上方。据接触过金钟道集团的能源行业内部人士表示，徐京华的跨国业务既是“幽灵”，也是“超级帝国”。
The group is inbusiness with BP, Total and the commodity trader Glencore; itboasts interests stretching from Indonesian gas and oil-refining inDubai to luxury apartments in Singapore and a fleet of Airbus jets;it is active in North Korea and Russia. It comprises a web ofprivate and offshore companies underpinning two main enterprises:China Sonangol, which is principally an oil company (although italso owns the former JPMorgan building opposite the New York StockExchange on Wall Street) and China International Fund, aninfrastructure and mining arm, whose flag flies above the entranceto Luanda’s golden skyscraper. To resource industry insiders whohave encountered it, Pa’s multinational operation is both a “ghost”and “a heck of an empire”.
这个帝国的根基在非洲，罗安达那座金碧辉煌的摩天大楼是它的基地。徐京华没有出现在金钟道集团任何公司的股东或董事名单中，但他确实代表该企业网络，与各国总统、酋长和大亨会晤。他在中国进军非洲的过程中（这是冷战结束以来最为戏剧性地改变世界最贫穷大洲政治和前景的大事）扮演中间人角色，由此积累了权势和财富。
That empire has itsfoundations in Africa, where the Luanda skyscraper serves as itsresplendent base. Pa is not listed as a shareholder or director ofany Queensway company but he does act as the network’srepresentative in meetings with presidents, sheikhs and tycoons. Hehas garnered power and wealth by making himself a middleman inChina’s courtship of Africa – the development that has transformedthe politics and prospects of the world’s poorest continent moredramatically than anything since the end of the coldwar.
中国官员多次否认中国政府与金钟道集团在非洲的活动之间存在联系。但英国《金融时报》根据从四大洲收集的公司记录、泄密文件和采访进行的调查发现，徐京华及其同伴与北京的强大利益集团存在联系，包括中国情报机构和国有企业。在中国进军非洲的过程中，金钟道企业网络发挥了关键作用。
Chinese officialshave repeatedly denied any link between their government and theQueensway group’s activities in Africa. But a Financial Timesinvestigation, based on corporate records, leaked documents andinterviews on four continents, has established that Pa and hisassociates have connections to powerful interests in Beijing,including Chinese intelligence and state-owned companies. TheQueensway network has played a pivotal role in advancing China’sAfrican quest.
金钟道集团的企业成为一些专制政权的首选合作伙伴，这些政权控制着非洲一些资源最丰富的国家。这些国家腐败猖獗，数以百万计的人深陷贫困，而统治者聚敛起巨额财富，例如罗伯特•穆加贝(RobertMugabe)的津巴布韦、军政府手上沾满鲜血的几内亚，以及安哥拉和尼日利亚这样的腐败的石油国家。这种业务策略2014年使徐京华被美国列入制裁名单。
Queensway groupcompanies have made themselves a partner of choice for therepressive regimes that control some of Africa’s most resource-richstates, where corruption traps millions in poverty while theirrulers amass extraordinary wealth – from Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabweand a murderous junta in Guinea to the corrupt petro-states ofAngola and Nigeria. It is a strategy that this year earned Pa aplace on a US sanctions list.
记者曾请求徐京华对本文置评，但未获回应。他曾两次在电话中用带有口音的英文承诺回电，但从未兑现。记者曾经在哈拉雷、科纳克里和罗安达找到金钟道集团企业的代表，但他们拒绝接受采访。今年5月，记者前往香港金钟道88号闪闪发光的高层写字楼（那些公司的注册地址）。公司人员告知记者，不会有人与记者交谈，并要求记者离开。安中石油驻新加坡分部的法律部主管JeeKin Wee回复了数封邮件，但没有回答有关“安中石油”名下企业之间有何关联的问题。英国《金融时报》向Jee KinWee发出一份详细的提问清单后，收到一封长达3页、用安中石油公司官方信纸打印并署名“ChinaSonangol”（即公司英文名称——译者注）的回信。这封信专门回答了英国《金融时报》所提52个问题中的4个。
Pa has not respondedto requests for comment on this story. On two occasions in phoneconversations, he promised, in accented English, to call back butnever did. I tracked down representatives from Queensway companiesin Harare, Conakry and Luanda but they declined interview requests.In May, I visited the shimmering office tower at 88 Queensway inHong Kong where the companies are registered. I was informed bycompany personnel that no one would speak to me and was told toleave. Jee Kin Wee, head of legal for China Sonangol’s arm inSingapore, responded to several emails but did not addressquestions about the interconnections between companies that bearChina Sonangol’s name. A detailed list of questions to Jee from theFT triggered a three-page letter on company letterhead, signedChina Sonangol. The letter responded specifically to four of the 52questions raised by the FT.
安中石油在回信中表示：“出于保密协议以及我司对隐私的合理愿望（私营企业有此权利），我们将不会向贵方提供任何超出必要范围的额外信息。然而，如果贵方重复要求或发表诽谤言论，我方保留寻求法律救济的权利。”回信补充道：“我司并非上市公司，法律不要求我司像上市公司那样披露所有业务行为。”
China Sonangol, inits response, said: “Due to confidentiality agreements and ourlegitimate desire for privacy, which private companies are entitledto, we will not be providing you with any additional informationthan is necessary [sic]. We do however reserve our rights to pursuelegal remedies if you repeat or publish defamatory statements.” Theletter adds: “We are not a listed company and the Law does notrequire us to disclose all our business dealings in the same manneras listed companies.”
中国与非洲盟国一直努力将它们的关系描述为互惠互利的关系。
中国在非洲修建公路、铁路和桥梁。中非年贸易额过去10年增长9倍，达到2000亿美元。惠誉(FitchRatings)表示，在截至2010年的10年中，中国提供海外融资的主要国有银行投放给非洲国家的贷款达到670亿美元，超过世界银行(WorldBank)投放给非洲的贷款。美国政府今年试图通过与非洲国家首脑在白宫举行的峰会重新树立其影响力，而这些领导人中有不少曾受到中方大笔投资的吸引。但徐京华和金钟道集团的故事披露了中国在非洲打交道的另一面——它预示的不是一场新的黎明，而是延续往日劣政的风险。
Beijing and itsAfrican allies have been at pains to portray their relationship asone of mutual upliftment. China has built roads, railways andbridges. China-Africa trade increased tenfold over the past decadeto $200bn annually. According to Fitch Ratings, in the decade to2010, loans to African countries by China’s main state bank foroverseas finance reached $67bn, outstripping African lending by theWorld Bank. Washington this week sought to reassert its influencewith a White House summit for African leaders, many of whom havebeen wooed by Chinese largesse. Yet the story of Pa and theQueensway group exposes another side of China’s dealings in Africa– one that heralds not a new dawn but the risk of perpetuating pastmisrule.. . .
对于徐京华的背景，各方的叙述不尽相同也不甚完整。他似乎是1958年出生在中国内地，儿时迁往香港。他是中国公民，同时持有安哥拉国籍，育有两名子女。香港的公司记录显示，他曾在20世纪90年代参与创业，但后来不了了之。
There are differing and incomplete accounts of Sam Pa’s past. Itappears that he was born in mainland China in 1958 and moved toHong Kong as a child. A Chinese national, he also holds Angolancitizenship. He has two children. Hong Kong corporate records showthat in the 1990s he was involved in business ventures that fizzledout.
在1978年开始的改革推动中国经济腾飞后，千年之交前后，中国国家主席江泽民推出了“走出去”政策。中国国企被鼓励走出国门寻找自然资源，为中国产品寻找市场，为中国工人寻找施工项目。非洲恰好在这三方面充满潜力。但中国的高官们不熟悉非洲，他们需要能在非洲各国首都打开门路的中间人。那些有关系、肯动脑筋、不畏风险的男男女女迎来了千载难逢的机会，他们将前途寄托在中国对非洲宝藏的渴求上。
Around the turn of the millennium, after reforms that began in1978 kick-started the Chinese economy, President Jiang Zeminlaunched a “go out” policy. China’s state-owned companies were sentforth in search of natural resources, markets for Chinese goods andconstruction projects for Chinese labourers. Africa was ripe withpotential for all three. But it was unfamiliar terrain forBeijing’s mandarins. They needed go-betweens who could open doorsin African capitals – a once-in-a-generation opportunity for menand women with the connections, guile and appetite for risk toharness their fortunes to China’s desire for Africantreasure.
徐京华既热爱这项事业，也拥有结交决策者的魅力（尽管偶尔脾气暴躁）。“他有时非常认真、锲而不舍，”曾在担任几内亚矿业部长时与徐京华合作过的瑞银(UBS)前银行家马哈茂德•蒂亚姆(MahmoudThiam)向记者表示，“他对于中国在世界上应当扮演的角色抱有非常意识形态化的观点。但他能开玩笑，也有人情味。”
Pa possessed both devotionto the cause and, despite an occasionally explosive temper, thecharm to forge ties with decision makers. “He’s a very serious andintense individual at times,” Mahmoud Thiam, a former UBS bankerwho worked with Pa when Thiam was Guinea’s mining minister, toldme. “He has a very ideological view about the role China shouldplay in the world. But he can joke and bepersonable.”
2003年初，徐京华抵达埃尔德•巴塔利亚(HelderBataglia)位于里斯本的办公室，参加会议。巴塔利亚出生于葡萄牙，但在安哥拉长大，并成为该国最大的私人投资者之一，之后将触角伸入其他前沿市场。巴塔利亚回忆道，徐京华称，希望组建合资企业，在南美和非洲寻找交易。“听着，这太好了，”巴塔利亚答道，“我们很想帮忙，因为中国对这些大洲的发展十分重要。但我们需要进一步了解你的情况。”巴塔利亚在2014年的一次采访中告诉记者，于是，徐京华带他去了中国。
In early 2003, Paarrived for a meeting at the Lisbon office of Helder Bataglia.Bataglia was born in Portugal but grew up in Angola, where hebecame one of the biggest private investors before widening hisinterests into other frontier markets. Bataglia recalls that Pasaid he wanted to form a joint venture to hunt for deals in SouthAmerica and Africa. “Listen, it’s fantastic,” Bataglia replied. “Wewould like to help because China is very important to thedevelopment of these continents. But we need to know more aboutyou.” So, Bataglia told me in an interview this year, Pa took himto China.
巴塔利亚回忆道，代表团在北京机场的要客区得到了接待。徐京华设宴招待，并安排他们与中国国企代表会晤。“他们所说的与徐京华告诉我们的一模一样：‘合作吧，因为我们缺乏这方面的经验。’”在关系决定一切的中国，巴塔利亚对这位新交的人脉底气消除了所有怀疑。“我当然认为徐京华是为政府工作的。”
The delegation wasreceived in the protocol area of Beijing’s airport, Batagliarecalls. Pa laid on official dinners and meetings withrepresentatives of China’s state-owned companies. “They [said]exactly what Pa said to us: ‘Let’s co-operate because we lackexperience in this field.’” In a land where personal connectionsare everything, Bataglia was left in no doubt as to the strength ofhis new acquaintance’s credentials: “Of course I thought Sam workedfor the government.”
但事情没那么简单。我问巴塔利亚他是否了解过徐京华的背景。“我觉得他有秘密情报部门的背景，如今他的任务是将中国势力扩张至世界。”巴塔利亚回忆道，徐京华说得不多，只谈到他在“有关部门”度过的时间。
But it was not sostraightforward. I asked Bataglia what he had gathered about Pa’spast. “His background, I thought, was in the secret services – thathe had a mission now to expand China into the world.” Pa offeredfew details, referring only to his time in “the service”, Batagliarecalls.
据一位多年来与非洲情报部门和军火交易商关系密切、不愿具名的人士透露，徐京华早在20世纪80年代就为中国的对外情报部门工作。这位人士回忆称，他在那段时期曾遇见徐京华，后者当时使用另一个化名。“他一直在中国情报机构工作，”这位人士表示，“徐京华在非洲军火交易中发挥着重要作用。石油、钻石和武器密不可分。当时在情报机构工作的人都从了商。”
According to a personwho has been close to African intelligence agencies and armsdealers for years and who asked not to be identified, Pa wasworking for the external branch of Chinese intelligence as early asthe 1980s. This person recalls encountering Pa during this period,while he was operating under another name. “All his life he’sworked in Chinese intelligence,” this person says. “Sam is a bigplayer in arms in Africa. Oil, diamonds and weapons go together.Everyone who was in intelligence at that time, they went intobusiness.”
巴塔利亚对徐京华打开中国门路的能力感到折服，于是同意与他和他刚开始召集的同僚们建立合作伙伴关系。他们最初在南美寻找能源和基建交易，之后将注意力转向安哥拉。
Impressed by Pa’sability to open doors in China, Bataglia agreed to form apartnership with him and the band of associates he had begun toassemble. After first seeking energy and infrastructure deals inSouth America, they turned their attention to Angola.
在石油、钻石的驱使和超级大国角力的影响下，安哥拉经历了30年时断时续的内战，满目疮痍。随着若泽•爱德华多•多斯桑托斯（JoséEduardo dosSantos，1975年安哥拉脱离葡萄牙统治独立，他从1979年起担任总统至今）的部队终于击垮安盟(UNITA)叛军，他四处呼吁资金援助，以支援重建。西方援助机构十分警惕，不轻易向这个以腐败闻名的政权提供资金。多斯桑托斯只能另想出路。他将目光投向了东方。徐京华在合适的时间出现在了合适的地点。
After three decades of on-off civil war fuelledby oil, diamonds and superpower rivalry, Angola lay in ruins. Asthe forces of José Eduardo dos Santos – Angola’s president since1979, four years after independence from Portugal – finally grounddown the Unita rebels, he appealed for funds to aid reconstruction.Western donors were wary of extending funds to a regime with areputation for corruption. Dos Santos needed an alternative. Helooked east. Pa found himself in the right place at the righttime.
在中国情报机构任职期间，徐京华似乎积累了大量非洲人脉。“徐京华告诉我，10到15年前他在安哥拉，”巴塔利亚回忆道，他说的是他们在2003年第一次见面的时候，“当时去安哥拉肯定是为了公务。”徐京华告诉巴塔利亚，他曾经见过多斯桑托斯，但没有细说自己去安哥拉的任务。上述资深情报人士告诉记者，徐京华在安哥拉内战晚期参与了中国向多斯桑托斯政府的军火销售。记者无法查证徐京华扮演过什么角色，部分原因是，就连消息最为灵通的军火贸易专家也认为，中国对非洲的军售是不透明的。
Paappears to have amassed African contacts during his years inChinese intelligence. “Sam told me that 10 or 15 years ago he wasin Angola,” Bataglia recalls, referring to their first meetings in2003. “In that time, to go to Angola, it must be for officialpurposes.” Pa told Bataglia that he had met Dos Santos but did notelaborate on his Angolan mission. The intelligence veteran told methat Pa was involved in Chinese arms sales to Dos Santos’sgovernment in the later years of the civil war. I could notsubstantiate what role, if any, Pa played, in part because evensome of the best-informed experts on the arms trade regard Chinesearms sales in Africa as opaque.
到2002年安哥拉内战结束时，多斯桑托斯的特使已经在为一份巨额协议做铺垫，该协议后来成为中国在非洲的第一笔大单。中国提供以石油偿还的廉价信贷，为公路、铁路和住房提供建设资金，这种资源换基建的交易后来被专家们称为“安哥拉模式”，在其他国家得到复制。安哥拉也由此成为中国第二大原油供应国，仅次于沙特阿拉伯。
By the end of theAngolan civil war in 2002, Dos Santos’s emissaries were laying thegroundwork for a multibillion-dollar pact that would be China’sfirst megadeal in Africa. Cheap Chinese credit to be repaid in oilwould fund roads, railways and housing, aresources-for-infrastructure bargain that experts would come tocall “Angola Mode” as it was replicated elsewhere. Angola wouldemerge as China’s biggest supplier of crude after SaudiArabia.
随着罗安达和北京的外交联络深化，埃尔德•巴塔利亚和徐京华拥有了两国政府的人脉，从而担当起中间人的角色。巴塔利亚表示，他满足于拉近两国的关系，加速安哥拉中国与安哥拉的交易被标榜为两国政府之间的协议。但在阴影处还有另一笔融合私人利益与国家权力的交易。的重建。他还说，他与徐京华的合作关系后来告吹。但在那之前，他曾于2003年末与徐京华一同再次访问北京。巴塔利亚回忆道，他们得到了副总理曾培炎的接见。曾培炎后来在中安关系中成为中国的代表，他在2005年飞赴罗安达，签署了中安两国从技术到矿产等一系列领域的合作协议。巴塔利亚回忆道，当他和徐京华在北京与曾培炎见面时，代表团中还有另外一人——彬彬有礼的安哥拉国家石油公司Sonangol首席执行官曼努埃尔•维森特(ManuelVicente)。（徐京华没有回答有关这次会晤的问题；维森特拒绝回答；记者无法联系上曾培炎。）
China’s deal withAngola was billed as a pact between two states. But in the shadows,a parallel deal had taken shape, melding private interests withstate power.
As the diplomaticchannels between Luanda and Beijing deepened, Helder Bataglia andSam Pa had the connections in both capitals to carve out a role forthemselves as go-betweens. Bataglia says he was content to helpbring the two nations together to hasten Angolan reconstruction andthat his partnership with Pa lapsed soon thereafter. Before then,though, he and Pa had returned to Beijing in late 2003. Batagliarecalls that they were granted an audience with Zeng Peiyan, avice-premier who would become the outward face of China’srelationship with Angola when he flew to Luanda in 2005 and signedagreements for Sino-Angolan co-operation in everything fromtechnology to minerals. Bataglia recalls that when he and Pa metZeng in Beijing, their delegation had an extra member – ManuelVicente, the urbane head of Angola’s national oil company,Sonangol. (Pa did not respond to questions about this meeting;Vicente declined to answer them; Zeng could not bereached.)
维森特矮胖、和蔼。但在笑容可掬的举止背后，他是一位难缠的谈判者，让那些花费百亿美元开采安哥拉原油的外国石油公司遭遇了艰苦的谈判。2012年，我在罗安达山顶的总统府邸采访了他，当时他刚刚被提拔至一个负责经济协调的实权岗位。不久之后，他出任副总统，被视为多斯桑托斯的潜在继承者。
Vicente is a chunky, affable man. But beneath hischeery demeanour is a tough negotiator who drives a hard bargainwith the foreign oil companies that have spent tens of billions ofdollars to tap Angola’s crude. When I interviewed him in 2012 atLuanda’s hilltop presidential enclave, he had recently beenpromoted to a powerful new post in charge of economicco-ordination. Before long, he would be vice-president, tipped as apotential heir to Dos Santos.
在维森特执掌Sonangol的12年期间，该公司成为非洲最为强势的本土石油公司，用为南非安全研究所(Institutefor Security Studies)撰稿的安哥拉专家保拉•罗克(PaulaRoque)的话来说，它是“总统控制、操纵的影子政府”的“主要经济发动机”。这个发动机不缺燃料：2011年，国际货币基金组织(IMF)发现安哥拉的国民账户存在320亿美元的差额，该组织称，失踪资金大部分在维森特执掌期间流经Sonangol。
In Vicente’s 12 years in charge of Sonangol, ithad become the continent’s most formidable homegrown oil company –and, in the words of Paula Roque, an Angola expert writing forSouth Africa’s Institute for Security Studies, the “chief economicmotor” of a “shadow government controlled and manipulated by thepresidency”. That motor has plenty of fuel: when, in 2011, theInternational Monetary Fund discovered a $32bn discrepancy inAngola’s national accounts, it said the bulk of the missing fundshad flowed through Sonangol on Vicente’swatch.
通过结交维森特和Sonangol，徐京华打开了通往安哥拉政权核心圈子的大门，这个圈子紧紧掌握着非洲与日俱增的石油实力。
By cultivating Vicente and Sonangol, Pa opened agateway to the inner circle of the regime that has Africa’s risingoil power firmly in its grasp.
荷兰皇家壳牌(Royal DutchShell)与英国石油(BP)曾在安哥拉拥有一个合资石油项目。2003年末，前者将自己在合资项目中所占的一半股份挂牌出售。该项目称为“第18区块”(Block18)，很有可能探明巨大海上石油储量，吸引了一些公司竞标。维森特认定，与其将这笔股份留给另一家外国石油公司，不如让Sonangol行使权利自行买下，然后自主选择合作伙伴。“我们想找中国的合作伙伴加入我们，获得那笔股份，因此我们成立了这家公司。”
In late 2003, Royal Dutch Shell put up for saleits half of an Angolan oil venture with BP. The prospect, known asBlock 18, was shaping up to be a prodigious offshore discovery andit attracted rival bidders. Vicente decided that, rather than letthe stake pass directly to another foreign oil company, Sonangolwould exercise its right to buy it for itself and bring in partnersof its own choosing. “We looked for a partner in China to join usand to get that stake and that’s why we formed thiscompany.”
当时的多数新闻报道简单记录道，2004年末，Sonangol联手中石化(Sinopec)收购了壳牌的股权，让中石化这家国有石油巨擘首次染指安哥拉的原油。青睐中国企业合情合理：就在几个月前，中国政府同意向安哥拉发放第一笔20亿美元的贷款。但这笔交易背后还有许多不为人知的玄机。
Most news reports atthe time simply recorded that, in late 2004, Sonangol acquiredShell’s stake in partnership with Sinopec, granting the giantstate-owned oil company its first taste of Angola’s crude.Favouring a Chinese company made sense: Beijing had agreed itsinitial $2bn loan to Angola just months earlier. But there was moreto the deal than met the eye.
2004年8月，就在“第18区块”交易达成的几个月前，一家新公司在香港注册，名为“安中国际石油控股有限公司”(ChinaSonangol International HoldingLimited)。另一家公司——注册地址同为香港金钟道88号——获得了安中70%的股份。那家公司的所有者是徐京华的两位同僚和一位自称撮合了该交易的中国商人。其余30%的股份被分配给曼努埃尔•维森特执掌的安哥拉国家石油公司Sonangol。“第18区块”交易最初的主导者并不是中石化，而是徐京华刚刚建立的金钟道集团。“他们拿到了贷款，我们付给壳牌，”维森特向记者表示，“大概是8亿美元。之后……我们接洽了中石化。”
In August 2004,months before the Block 18 deal was completed, a new company wasregistered in Hong Kong. It was called China Sonangol InternationalHolding Limited. Another company – also registered to an address at88 Queensway, Hong Kong – was allocated 70 per cent of ChinaSonangol’s shares. It was owned by two of Pa’s associates and aChinese businessman who says he helped broker the deal. Theremaining 30 per cent stake was allocated to Sonangol, the Angolanstate oil company over which Manuel Vicente presided. It was Pa’snascent Queensway group – not, at first, Sinopec – that was theprime mover in the Block 18 transaction. “They got the loan, wepaid Shell,” Vicente told me. “It was, let’s say, 800-something[million dollars]. And after that, later on … we calledSinopec.”
收购壳牌“第18区块”股份的交易完成后，股份的新主人是“安中石化国际公司”(SonangolSinopecInternational)，表面上，它不过是安哥拉和中国两国国有石油公司的合资企业。但安哥拉一方的利益并非由Sonangol直接持有，而是通过它与徐京华的金钟道企业网络建立的合资公司安中石油持有。2007年，该项目开始出油。根据中石化的估值，到了2010年，金钟道集团在“第18区块”的权益价值9.6亿美元。如今，该项目每天开采18万桶原油，是安哥拉全国产出的十分之一。
When the deal forShell’s Block 18 stake was completed, the new owner was a companycalled Sonangol Sinopec International – ostensibly no more than apartnership between state-owned oil companies from Angola andChina. But Angola’s interest was held not directly by the state oilcompany but by China Sonangol, its joint venture with Pa’sQueensway network. In 2007, the crude started to flow. By 2010,according to a valuation by Sinopec, the Queensway group’s interestin Block 18 was worth $960m. Today, the project produces 180,000barrels of oil a day, one-tenth of Angola’soutput.
徐京华已经在非洲树立了金钟道集团的旗帜。他模仿中国政府的策略，在拿下能源合同的同时提供基建计划。据安哥拉财政部介绍，2005年，同样注册在金钟道88号、但由徐京华的同僚持有全部股份的中国国际基金募资29亿美元，承建罗安达新机场以及下水道管网等项目。大部分工程被转包给中国国有企业。
Pahad planted the Queensway flag in Africa. Mirroring Beijing’stactics, he offered infrastructure packages to complement resourcesdeals. In 2005, China International Fund, another companyregistered to the Queensway address but this time wholly owned byPa’s associates, raised $2.9bn for projects ranging from a newairport in Luanda to drainage works, according to the Angolanfinance ministry. Much of the work was farmed out to Chinesestate-owned groups.
凭借着原油和工程合同，徐京华将自己的命运与中国在非洲的扩张紧紧相连。但不久之后的一场危机，将他羽翼未丰的企业帝国拖到灾难边缘。
With his crude andcontracts, Pa had put himself in lockstep with China’s advance intoAfrica. But soon he would face a crisis that would bring hisfledgling corporate empire to the brink of disaster.
. . .
在准备大干一场发财致富的时候，徐京华的主要盟友是中国统治阶层根正苗红的一员。
罗方红(LoFong-hung)是位小个子女人，留着不过肩的深色短发。据与她见过面的人表示，她流露着权势。2004年，她与埃尔德•巴塔利亚前往拉丁美洲寻找合同，当她在乌戈•查韦斯(HugoChávez)每周一次的电视节目上亮相时，委内瑞拉领导人声称她是一位中国将军的女儿。她的丈夫王翔飞曾在中国顶尖的人民大学(RenminUniversity)担任金融学教授，并在国有金融机构中国光大集团(China EverbrightGroup)工作23年，担任过数个高层职位。他还在中国多家知名公司的董事会任职，也在金钟道集团的公司担任职位。
When he set out to make his fortune, Sam Pa’s principal ally was athoroughbred member of China’s ruling class.
Lo Fong-hung is a petite woman with dark hair worn in a bob.According to people who have met her, she exudes authority. Whenshe appeared on Hugo Chávez’s weekly television show in 2004,during a trip to Latin America to scout for deals with HelderBataglia, the Venezuelan leader declared that she was the daughterof a Chinese general. She is married to Wang Xiangfei, a formerprofessor of finance at China’s elite Renmin University, who heldseveral top posts at China Everbright Group during 23 years at thestate-owned finance house. He has also sat on prestigious Chineseboards, as well as holding positions in Queenswaycompanies.
一位曾在香港与罗方红、徐京华及其下属进餐的西方商人回忆道：“她给人的唯一印象是权势的气场。她只是坐在那里听着。有时候，是别人耳语给她听。”曾任几内亚矿业部长的马哈茂德•蒂亚姆表示：“一切都表明徐京华是老大。但你能感觉到，他想摆脱罗方红是不可能的。”
A western businessmanwho dined with Lo, Pa and their subordinates in Hong Kong recalls:“She didn’t give off any impression other than a sense of power.She just sits there and listens. Sometimes things are whispered toher.” Mahmoud Thiam, the former Guinean mining minister, says:“Everything indicated that [Pa] was the boss. But you got the sensethat if he wanted to get rid of Lo, he couldnot.”
罗方红拥有创辉国际发展有限公司(NewBright International Development)30%的股份，该公司位于金钟道集团企业架构的顶点。创辉其余70%的股份被一位名叫冯婉筠(VeronicaFung)的女性持有。她没有罗方红和王翔飞那样显赫的资历，但她有一个重要的关系——徐京华本人。
Loowns 30 per cent of the shares in New Bright InternationalDevelopment, the company at the apex of the Queensway group’scorporate structure. The remaining 70 per cent of New Bright’sshares are held by a woman called Veronica Fung. She lacks thecredentials of Lo and Wang but she has one important relationship –to Pa himself.
金钟道集团首批公司成立之前，冯婉筠在商界唯一有据可查的角色是徐京华在香港企业的合伙人。媒体报道和研究金钟道集团的人称她是徐京华的妻子或女友，是他的利益的代理人。（在致英国《金融时报》的信函中，安中石油拒绝澄清他们俩的关系；包括冯婉筠、罗方红和王翔飞在内的金钟道集团其他代表没有回应英国《金融时报》的提问。）
Fung’s sole recorded role inbusiness prior to the formation of the first Queensway companieswas as a partner in a Hong Kong business venture with Pa. She hasbeen described in press reports and by people who have studied theQueensway group as Pa’s wife or girlfriend, a proxy for hisinterests. (In its letter to the FT, China Sonangol declined toclarify their relationship; other representatives of companies atthe Queensway address, including Fung, Lo and Wang, did not respondto questions from the FT.)
徐京华的数个化名均未出现在金钟道集团公司的股东名册中。的确，这些公司的律师坚持徐只是顾问，而非正式员工，尽管他被迪拜政府称为安中石油董事长，被塞拉利昂总统称为中国国际基金的副董事长。（安中石油在致英国《金融时报》的信中表示，徐京华不是公司董事长——该职位由Sonangol的掌门人担任。）
None of Pa’s aliases appears inthe shareholder registers filed by Queensway companies. Indeed,their lawyers insist he is not formally an employee, merely anadviser, even though he has been described by Dubai’s government asthe chairman of China Sonangol and by Sierra Leone’s presidency asthe vice-chairman of China International Fund. (China Sonangol, inits letter to the FT, said that Pa is not the chairman of thecompany – that position is held by the head ofSonangol.)
徐京华擅长展示他在中国政府高层的关系，这在很大程度上说服非洲国家的统治者，他是有能力谈成大合同的人。2004年，他在安哥拉拿下首个石油合同，一年后又通过中国国际基金拿下基建合同。但之后，2007年来了。
Pa’s ability to put on adisplay of top-level access in Beijing has been crucial inpersuading African rulers that he was a man with the clout to pulloff the big deals. In 2004 he struck his first Angolan oil deal,followed a year later by China International Fund’s infrastructurecontracts. But then came 2007.
2007年是中国精英阶层动荡的一年，各派系在中共5年一次的领导层交接前展开角力。由于腐败丑闻爆发，中石化（在金钟道集团的撮合下进军安哥拉的国有石油公司）董事长辞职。曾培炎（据埃尔德•巴塔利亚记得曾在北京会晤徐京华和曼努埃尔•维森特的副总理）退休。
That was a year ofupheaval within the Chinese elite, as factions tussled ahead of theCommunist party’s five-yearly leadership transition. The head ofSinopec, the state oil company that the Queensway group had broughtto Angola, was forced to resign amid a corruption scandal. ZengPeiyan, the vice-premier whom Helder Bataglia recalled meeting inBeijing with Sam Pa and Manuel Vicente,retired.
徐京华的命途似乎走向衰落。有迹象显示，北京方面对他利用与中国国企的关系、自由放任地聚敛商业利益的做法感到震惊。2007年，中国国际基金在安哥拉的一批基建项目因资金短缺而停工，危及中国与安哥拉（后者正迅速成为重要的石油供应国）关系，中国商务部警告国内企业不要介入。据官方媒体和泄露的通信记录显示，中国内地和香港的证券监管机构对一起疑似内幕交易展开调查，该内幕交易涉及中国国际基金授予中国一家工程集团的安哥拉建设合同，价值50亿美元。
Pa’s fortunesappeared to be on the wane. There were signs of alarm in Beijingabout the freewheeling style with which he had amassed businessinterests with ties to Chinese state-owned groups. When ChinaInternational Fund’s slew of infrastructure projects in Angola ranshort of funds in 2007 and stalled – potentially imperillingChinese relations with a country that was fast becoming a vital oilsupplier – the Ministry of Commerce in Beijing warned Chinesecompanies to steer clear. According to state media and leakedcorrespondence, securities regulators in China and Hong Konglaunched probes into suspected insider trading related to a $5bnAngolan construction contract awarded by China International Fundto a Chinese engineering group.
但之后中国的权力掮客们得到一记提醒：即便他们对徐京华抱有戒心，但他们需要他。
就在中国共产党召开十七大的2007年10月，安哥拉的“第18区块”开始出油。中石化得到该区块原油的一部分——但只是因为它与徐京华的金钟道集团和安哥拉国家石油公司建立的合资企业，才得到该区块的权益。“中石化最初以为那是短期合资企业，但后来意识到无法抽身，”英国智库——皇家国际事务研究所(ChathamHouse)的非洲项目主管亚历克斯•瓦因斯(AlexVines)表示。瓦因斯曾在研究金钟道集团时采访过中国石油业高管。安哥拉当局之后授予中石化的石油开采权，均以该合资企业为直接接受方。
But then there came areminder to China’s powerbrokers that, even if they were wary ofPa, they needed him.
In October 2007, thesame month that China’s Communist party convened for its leadershipconclave, Angola’s Block 18 started pumping oil. Sinopec enjoyed ashare of the crude – but only because it had secured an interest inthe block through its joint venture with Pa’s Queensway group andAngola’s state oil company. “Sinopec saw it as a short-term jointventure to get in, but then [Sinopec] realised they were lockedin,” says Alex Vines, who, as head of the Africa programme at theUK’s Chatham House think-tank, has interviewed Chinese oilexecutives during years of research into the Queensway group. Allof the oil rights that the Angolan authorities have subsequentlygranted to Sinopec have been awarded to this jointventure.
“第18区块”只是开始。金钟道集团与安哥拉国家石油公司合资建立的安中石油，随后在安哥拉另外十多个石油勘探开采项目中获得直接或间接股份，成为法国道达尔、意大利埃尼(Eni)和美国康菲(ConocoPhillips)等大牌企业的合作伙伴。原油通过安中石油运往中国，用于偿还数十亿美元的融资，但这些交易的条款是高度机密。维基解密(WikiLeaks)公布的一份2009年外交电文显示，中国驻安哥拉大使曾告诉美国官员，中国国际基金的香港所有者——指徐京华的金钟道网络——与多斯桑托斯总统发展了“密切关系”。
Block 18 was just thebeginning. China Sonangol, the Queensway group’s partnership withAngola’s state oil company, was granted direct and indirect stakesin a dozen more Angolan oil prospects, becoming a partner to Totalof France, Eni of Italy and ConocoPhillips of the US among others.It became the conduit for crude cargoes sent to China as repaymentsfor multibillion-dollar finance packages, the terms of which wereclosely guarded. China’s ambassador in Angola told Americanofficials that China International Fund’s Hong Kong-based owners –a reference to Pa’s Queensway network – had developed a “closerelationship” with President Dos Santos, according to a 2009 USdiplomatic cable published by WikiLeaks.
曾经是叛乱组织的安盟如今是安哥拉的主要反对党，其党魁伊萨亚斯•萨马库瓦(IsaíasSamakuva)对安中石油是“政府中的政府”的说法深表赞同。“我认为这是多斯桑托斯及其统治所获得支持的关键，”他告诉记者。我问他，对政权的支持是如何运转的。他说：“我们只能猜测。一切都在暗处。”
Isaías Samakuva,leader of Unita, the former rebel group that is now the mainopposition party, echoes those who describe China Sonangol as “agovernment within a government”. “I think it is the key to all thesupport that is given to Mr Dos Santos, to his rule,” he told me. Iasked how that support for the regime worked. “We can onlyspeculate. Everything is in the dark.”
对离岸避税港的使用，有助于维持这种不透明。公司注册文件显示，2012年，金钟道集团在安中石油和中国国际基金所持股份从香港一家控股公司转移至一家名为MagicWonder Holdings的公司。除了地址是英属维尔京群岛的一处邮箱外，该公司的公开信息寥寥无几。使用同一地址的还有WorldNoble Holdings，它被列为由罗方红和曼努埃尔•维森特担任董事的另一家香港公司的唯一所有者。World NobleHoldings的所有权和企业宗旨不明，为金钟道集团的企业构成蒙上了又一层神秘感。
Theuse of offshore tax havens helps to maintain that darkness. In2012, the network’s stakes in China Sonangol and in ChinaInternational Fund were switched from a Hong Kong holding companyto a vehicle called Magic Wonder Holdings, company filings show.Scant public information is available about this company beyond itsaddress: a PO box in the British Virgin Islands. The same addressis used for World Noble Holdings, which is named as the sole ownerof another Hong Kong company, of which Lo Fong-hung and ManuelVicente have both served as directors. Its ownership and purposeare unclear but it adds to the corporate secrecy that shrouds theQueensway group.
徐京华在多斯桑托斯政权里的盟友靠石油赚得盆满钵满，他们近年来加强了对安哥拉2000万人民的控制。一些反对者被投入监狱，一些被铁棍毒打。人权组织表示，选举受到操控，令执政党占了便宜。安哥拉与尼日利亚并肩为非洲最大的产油国，罗安达随处可见起重机，建设欣欣向荣。然而，尽管总统的小圈子敛财暴富，但联合国(UN)的分析显示，在将经济增长转化为改善多数人生活水平方面，很少有国家做得像安哥拉那样差。
Flush with oilrevenue, Pa’s allies in the Dos Santos regime have in recent yearstightened their grip on Angola’s 20 million people. Some opponentshave been slung in jail, others beaten with iron bars; human rightsgroups say elections are manipulated to favour the ruling party.Angola rivals Nigeria as Africa’s biggest oil producer and Luandais a forest of cranes but, while the presidential coterie has grownfabulously wealthy, UN analysis indicates that few countries havedone a worse job of turning economic growth into improved livingstandards for the many.
走出了2007年的困难，徐京华更加强大了。安哥拉解救了中国国际基金基建工程的困难。英国《金融时报》未发现有公开记录表明，香港和中国内地涉及中国国际基金的内幕交易调查有何结果。北京方面意识到，它除了与徐京华合作之外别无选择；毕竟，中国企业都建议与金钟道集团做生意。徐京华从安哥拉的桥头堡开始，以惊人的速度扩张自己的帝国。
Pa emerged from his travails of 2007strengthened. Angola bailed out China International Fund’sinfrastructure undertakings. The FT has found no public record ofany fallout from the insider-trading investigations in Hong Kongand China in relation to China International Fund. Beijing realisedthat it had little choice but to work with Pa; Chinese companiesrecommenced doing business with the Queensway group. From hisbeachhead in Angola, Pa set about expanding his empire at adizzying pace.
. . .
徐京华学会了如何在中国和非洲之间见风使舵，然后将自己在安哥拉锤炼出的模式输出——目的地往往是那些别人不敢涉足的无赖国家。
Having learnt how to juggle hisallegiances in China and Africa, Pa took the model he had honed inAngola and exported it – in particular, to pariah states where fewothers dared to tread.
2009年年中，徐京华和罗方红出现在几内亚。这个贫穷的西非国家富含未开采的矿藏，由军政府掌权。时任矿业部长的马哈茂德•蒂亚姆回忆道，他曾经挑战二人，让他们证明自己的确人脉广泛。“如果你们与曼努埃尔•维森特的关系真有那么好，那就带他回来见我，”蒂亚姆说道。蒂亚姆回忆道，三天后，徐京华抵达破落的几内亚首都科纳克里，带着维森特。军政府急需资金。蒂亚姆称，徐京华承诺提供3000万美元的“好意金”，这笔钱很快打给了几内亚，指定用作紧急公共支出。
In the middle of2009, Pa and Lo turned up in Guinea, a destitute west Africannation rich in untapped minerals where a military junta had seizedpower. Mahmoud Thiam, then mining minister, recalls challenging thepair to demonstrate that they were as well connected as theyclaimed. “If you are so close to Manuel Vicente, come back withhim,” Thiam said. Three days later, Pa landed in Conakry, Guinea’sramshackle capital, with Vicente, Thiam recalls. The junta neededfunds badly. Thiam said Pa promised a $30m “goodwill gesture” andthe money was promptly transferred to Guinea, earmarked foremergency public spending.
双方开始谈判一笔70亿美元的协议，中国国际基金为几内亚修建基础设施，换取采矿权。就在2009年9月政府部队在国家体育场屠杀逾150名反对派示威者后，交易被公布。徐京华没有被屠杀事件吓退。蒂亚姆告诉记者，中国国际基金提供了1亿美元，以支撑军政府的财政。屠杀后不久，中国政府试图与中国国际基金保持距离。“中国政府与该公司的商业运作没有关系，”中国外交部一位发言人向在场记者表示。但短短几个月后，一家中国国有火车头公司便与中国国际基金联手向几内亚出口火车。
Discussions began ona $7bn deal under which China International Fund would buildinfrastructure in exchange for mineral rights. It was unveiled daysafter troops slaughtered more than 150 opposition demonstrators atthe national stadium in September 2009. Pa was undeterred. Thiamtold me the company provided $100m to prop up the junta’s finances.Shortly after the massacre, Beijing sought to distance itself fromChina International Fund. “The Chinese government has nothing to dowith its business operations,” a Chinese foreign ministry spokesmantold reporters. But within months, a Chinese state-owned locomotivecompany was exporting trains to Guinea in conjunction with thecompany.
但一次暗杀企图迫使军政府领导人流亡，2010年的选举将权力还给文职官员，徐京华的几内亚交易泡了汤。“自从我掌权后，徐京华还没有来过几内亚，”几内亚总统阿尔法•孔戴(AlphaCondé)去年11月份向记者表示。但中国国际基金已经将它从军政府那里获得的采矿权与在伦敦上市的小型矿业公司Bellzone所拥有的采矿权合并，组成合资企业。2012年，两家公司获得了对瑞士大宗商品交易商嘉能可(Glencore)的铁矿石供应
权。
Sam Pa’s Guinea deal unravelled after an assassination attemptforced the junta’s leader into exile and elections in 2010 returnedpower to civilians. “Since I came to power, Sam has not been toGuinea,” Alpha Condé, Guinea’s president, told me in November. YetChina International Fund has combined the mining permits it wasgranted under the junta with those of Bellzone, a London-listedmining junior, forming a joint venture. In 2012, both companiessecured rights to supply iron ore to Glencore, the Swiss commoditytrader.
徐京华马不停蹄。公开的飞行记录显示，在2014年头几个月，据信是他所乘的商务机先后在香港、新加坡（安中石油在这里设有基地）、毛里求斯、马达加斯加、马尔代夫、罗安达、哈拉雷、雅加达和北京降落过。香港高等法院在去年的一项裁决中公布了金钟道集团所付款项的分类账，显示中国国际基金2009年有一笔1170万港元（合150万美元）的“预付现金”，收款人是“MrSam”（即徐京华——译者注）。其他条目表明，金钟道集团在坦桑尼亚、尼日利亚和朝鲜都有生意。
Pa is constantly onthe move. In the first months of this year, the jet he is believedto use touched down in Hong Kong, Singapore (where China Sonangolhas a base), Mauritius, Madagascar, the Maldives, Luanda, Harare,Jakarta and Beijing, according to public flight records. He haslarge sums at his disposal. A ledger of Queensway group paymentspublished in a ruling by the Hong Kong high court last year recordsa HK$11,700,000 ($1.5m) “cash advance” by China International Fundto “Mr Sam” in 2009. Other entries refer to Queensway groupdealings in Tanzania, Nigeria and North Korea.
法院的裁决还使外界得以一瞥金钟道集团拉拢非洲国家政府的手段。当年帮助金钟道集团做成首笔石油交易的中国商人武洋声称，他没有得到自己应得的4000万美元分红。在分析这桩纠纷的证词时，香港法官写道，相关利润被用于在安哥拉“买通官员”。付款分类账显示，金钟道集团在别处也使用了相同的伎俩。分类账显示，在中国国际基金获得莫桑比克采矿权的2009年，一家金钟道集团的公司以“项目贷款”的名义将30万美元付给安东尼奥•伊纳西奥(AntonioInacioJunior)——这是莫桑比克驻中国大使的名字。这位大使未回应记者请求置评的传真信。安中石油在信中拒绝回答有关这笔贷款的问题。
That court rulingalso offered a glimpse of the Queensway group’s techniques incourting African governments. Weighing testimony in a disputeinvolving Wu Yang, a Chinese businessman who claimed he had notbeen paid some $40m in dividends for helping to broker theQueensway group’s original oil deal, the Hong Kong judge wrote thatthe profits were being used to “curry favour” in Angola. And theledger of payments suggested similar tactics elsewhere. Accordingto the ledger, in 2009, the year that China International Fundsecured mining rights in Mozambique, a Queensway group company madea “loan for project” worth $300,000 to Antonio Inacio Junior – thename of Mozambique’s ambassador in Beijing. The ambassador did notrespond to a faxed request for comment; China Sonangol, in itsletter, declined to answer questions about the loan.
随着记者和活动人士将金钟道集团的拼图越拼越完整，美国政府也把关注的目光投向徐京华，尤其是因为安中石油于2008年买下了曼哈顿最著名的建筑之一：位于华尔街23号的摩根大通前总部大楼。今年4月，徐京华那种专与暴君打交道的生意经终于产生后果：美国财政部将他的7个化名列入制裁名单，被视为津巴布韦罗伯特•穆加贝政权的积极支持者。
As journalists andactivists have added more pieces to the Queensway puzzle,Washington has taken an interest in Sam Pa – not least because, in2008, China Sonangol bought one of the most celebrated pieces ofManhattan real estate, the former JPMorgan building at 23 WallStreet. In April this year, Pa’s willingness to deal with despotsbegan to catch up with him: the US Treasury added his seven namesto the list of those subject to sanctions because they are deemedto be active supporters of Robert Mugabe’s regime inZimbabwe.
美国并未透露这样做的具体原因。但在2012年，英国反腐团体GlobalWitness发布报告，援引了所谓津巴布韦泄密情报文件，称徐京华以200辆机动车和1亿美元打点了穆加贝的秘密警察，之后获准从军方控制的马兰吉钻石矿区出口钻石。（GlobalWitness报告公布之后，中国国际基金的律师表示，公司向津巴布韦政府提供资金“是出于合法的商业理由”，否认向秘密警察提供资金，并称，那家被授予马兰吉钻石开采权、与金钟道集团有关联的公司认为该矿不具商业开发价值，所以“没有出口一个克拉的钻石”。）
The US did notdisclose its specific reasons. But in 2012, the Britishanti-corruption group Global Witness had published a report basedon what it said were leaked Zimbabwean intelligence documentsshowing that Pa had been allowed to export diamonds from themilitary-controlled Marange fields after he furnished Mugabe’ssecret police with 200 vehicles and $100m. (Following the GlobalWitness report, lawyers for China International Fund said thecompany had provided funds to the Zimbabwean government for“legitimate business reasons”, denied having funded the secretpolice and said the Queensway-linked company that had been granteda Marange diamond concession had deemed it unviable and hadexported “not a single carat”.)
美国冻结被制裁人士和公司在美资产，禁止美国人与他们做生意。但因为徐京华名义上只是金钟道集团公司的顾问，他出现在制裁名单上不一定影响集团的活动。新合同接踵而至。俄罗斯兼并克里米亚之后，在弗拉基米尔•普京(VladimirPutin)总统访华期间，徐京华代表中国国际基金签署协议，承建莫斯科的一条新地铁线。
US sanctions freezethe US assets of targeted people and companies and prohibitAmericans from doing business with them. But because Pa is formallyonly an adviser to Queensway companies, his presence on thesanctions list will not necessarily curtail the group’s activities.New deals have followed. During President Vladimir Putin’s visit toChina in the wake of Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Pa signed adeal for China International Fund to work on a new Metro line inMoscow.
在10年的交易撮合中，徐京华表现出韧性。“他仍然带着名片盒，仍然知道如何接近脆弱国家的精英，而最重要的是，他知道如何暗中操作，游离于执法机构的触角之外，”J•R•梅利(JRMailey)表示。梅利是2009年美国国会一份报告的作者之一，该报告调查了金钟道集团，并首次使用了“金钟道集团”这一名称。梅利目前在为五角大楼的非洲战略研究中心(AfricaCenter for Strategic Studies)撰写第二份有关该集团的报告。
Through a decade ofdeal-making, Sam Pa has demonstrated resilience. “He still has theRolodex, he still knows how to get close to elites in fragilestates and, most importantly, he knows how to operate under theradar and just beyond the reach of law enforcement,” says J RMailey, one of the authors of a 2009 US congressional report on theQueensway group, which coined its name, and who is preparing asecond report on the group at the Pentagon’s Africa Center forStrategic Studies.
中国带来的机遇让非洲各国兴奋不已。但也有人嗅到了危险。直到近期还担任尼日利亚央行行长的改革派人士拉米多•萨努西(LamidoSanusi)警告称，接受中国的追求意味着，“非洲正在心甘情愿地向新形式的帝国主义敞开怀抱。”徐京华是全球化时代的产物，融合国家、企业和个人权势，其手法令人遥想起一个更早的时代。我曾与两位非洲资深矿业高管交谈——一位在安哥拉，一位在津巴布韦——他们将金钟道帝国比作塞西尔•罗兹(CecilRhodes)，100多年前，这位英国殖民家和矿业大亨呼风唤雨，追逐南部非洲的宝藏。“这就像罗兹一样，”其中一人表示，“试图再一次征服非洲。”
China’s arrival hassent a frisson of possibility through Africa. But some sensedanger. Lamido Sanusi, until recently the reformist governor ofNigeria’s central bank, has warned that, in embracing its Chinesesuitors, “Africa is now willingly opening itself up to a new formof imperialism”. Sam Pa is a creature of the era of globalisation,fusing state, corporate and personal power in ways that recall anolder age. Two seasoned African mining executives I spoke to – onein Angola, another in Zimbabwe – likened the Queensway empire toCecil Rhodes, the British colonialist-cum-mining magnate whosuborned southern Africa in pursuit of its riches more than acentury ago. “It’s like Rhodes,” said one, “trying to conquerAfrica all over again.”
本文作者为英国《金融时报》调查记者、前驻约翰内斯堡和拉各斯记者。他讲述非洲石油和矿业的著作《掠夺机器》(LootingMachine)将于明年由哈珀科林(Harper Collins)和PublicAffairs出版。朱莉(JulieZhu)香港、林恩•戴维斯(Lynn Davis)补充报道
译者/何黎
